The real start of the eastern Sudan crisis was not when ethnic clashes erupted in Gedaref state more than two years ago.
This conflict was not the main influence on the protracted crisis, which later expanded to include two other cities, Port Sudan and Kassala, in the same region, which is heavy with wounds that have not been found by anyone to heal and treat them once and for all.
Here we are trying to show the reality of the crisis in the region away from the imagined crisis in the minds of an ineffective group that is trying hard to magnify a great deal of errors and fallacies and turn it into a “issue” and a “project.”
This group is not necessarily a political entity, nor is it an ethnic group, but rather a group that represents everyone who adopted this “racist” approach and sought to pass it.
For more than two years, the Eastern Sudan region has been suffering from a crisis that has not known solutions, and the responsible authorities did not strive to address it definitively to ensure stopping the waterfall of blood and promoting societal peace among the Prime Time Zone of the region who have suffered greatly as a result of a conflict they were not familiar with before.
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The crisis began in Gedaref, and from there to Port Sudan and Kassala, the two cities whose description of the “conflict” has become associated with mentioning them instead of a previous image that had formed Sudanese society as a destination for the far and near and the entrance to the knowledge of the East region and its multiple traditions.
The crisis of tribal fighting in Kassala and Port Sudan would not have posed a real threat to the unity of the region, but its combination with the discourse of “hate” and “racism” led to its prolongation.
This caused the deaths of dozens of Sudanese, whose lives became caught between the jaws of security chaos and the racist discourse led by the remnants of the ousted regime, Omar al-Bashir.
A wide role has been found by the tribal leaders in the current stage and they have become partners in the political process in a way that contradicts their tasks, which do not include interfering in political affairs.
First Entry: Identity Struggle
According to previous reports, I mentioned in a previous report a description of the current crisis in eastern Sudan showing how the remnants of the ousted Omar al-Bashir regime tended to reproduce the “Darfur Holocaust” in the east by playing on the strings of identity, history and origin.
These are vocabulary that have no effect in modern civil society, which does not care much about your origin and identity as much as it is controlled by personal immediate achievements.
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It is also the real criterion for evaluating Prime Time Zone, as well as the only criterion for distributing opportunities in various fields, and the civil service is part of it, of course.
Omar al-Bashir’s regime and new names
The remnants of the ousted regime created new names through which they tried to create new influence for them after the revolution stripped them of power. The establishment of what was known as “tribal councils” was the most obvious approach for the remnants of the Bashir regime in the previous period.
These steps were clearly evident in the eastern Sudan region, as a new organization emerged, known as the “Beja Optical Council.” At first glance, it seems to the reader of this name that this council expresses “Beja,” and this is the first fallacy that we will show the opposite of in this report.
This council does not really express the Beja region, which includes a number of tribes whose leaders did not participate in this council, which includes only one “supervisor” who is “Muhammad Al-Amin Turk,” the overseer of Al-Handandawa.
Of course, they are part of the region and not the whole region. This council is closer to being a political council that represents Turk and its political orientations.
This is not a defect, as he has the right to express his views and ideas as long as there is no infringement of rights or racist targeting.
But he chose to adopt a discourse in which he would publish a project that served the agenda of the deposed regime, and this council expressed this political line more than once.
This scheme emerged clearly in the racist mobilization that the leaders of this council set up in the city of Sankat, which was known as the “Sinkat Conference”.
It is the crowd in which a number of “racist” demands were presented that reinforce discrimination and do not serve the interests of the region and deepen its crisis.
Remnants of the ousted regime … Politicians around the “Nazir”
The remnants of the ousted Omar regime were involved in stoking the fire of sedition in the region through multiple gates.
Since the establishment of what is known as the “Beja’s Council of Glasses,” the remnants of the Bashir regime have deliberately participated in it and used the “mantle of the beholder” and sought to pass their political agenda through it.
This was evident in the statements of the “Council of the Nazer Turk and his followers,” which were described as a translation of the demands of these politicians and a service to their agenda. The beholder does not understand the politics that he should not engage in.
Referring to the role of politicians in the crisis does not mean that the beholder is exempted from his role, as he is the one who allowed them to engage in and express his entity at a time when he had to seek to unite among the Prime Time Zone of the region of their differences, not to be the one holding the weapon of racism.
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Many politicians from the remnants of the al-Bashir regime, most notably the former assistant to al-Bashir, “Musa Muhammad Ahmed,” the former leader of the dissolved National Congress Party, “Sayed Abu Amna,” and the other leader in the Red Sea government, “Abdullah Obshar,” and many other rescuers who found their way to “Turk”, which has become an expression of the interests of “Al-Kizan”.
“Turk” has become a tool driven by remnants to create tensions from time to time in eastern Sudan, which was confirmed by a number of tribal leaders in eastern Sudan, including the overseer of “Amrar” Ali Mahmoud, who accused the remnants of the previous regime of seeking to destabilize and tamper with the east.
This narration is the closest to the truth, especially since the practices of “Turk” and his “racist” council enjoy wide support among the various spectra of remnants, as they are trying hard to delude Sudanese public opinion that this beholder is the “legitimate” representative of the Beja and the East.
The facts show a completely opposite reality. As for the military side, it seemed silent in the face of Turk’s practices, which began by closing national roads and ended with the disruption of the port’s work more than once during the past months.
This silence was interpreted by observers as indirect support by the “military” to Turk and his council, which can be described as a beautiful response to Turk, who took the initiative to offer obligations of obedience and loyalty to the military council after taking power on April 11, 2019.
Turk went to the capital, declaring his support for the council and granting it – in the name of the Hadandawa tribes – the full mandate to govern and administer the country. This mandate does not, of course, reflect the sons of his tribe as much as it represents the confiscation of their name to achieve an interest that lies in proximity to the new authority.
Tribal strife or state violence?
There is no doubt that the crisis of the East, although it is recent in the scale of time, yet its understanding has eluded many observers, some of whom formed positions and adopted opinions that were affected by the systematic “disinformation” and hate campaigns.
These things have found space in social media platforms across multiple groups and accounts that have been constantly active over the past two years.
It also works to differentiate between the components of eastern Sudan and distinguish between them within the framework of a project aimed at deluding public opinion with a false danger made in the imagination of its companions who have been warning of “foreign components” that do not exist in reality but are present in their minds only, they deliberate from time to time to spread this vision false to attract sympathy with them.
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Recently, Port Sudan witnessed events that clearly affected the city and stripped it of its calm and peace. Tribal conflicts became an unfortunate reality familiar to the city’s residents over the past two years.
As for the authority, its role was negative, sometimes standing – some of its soldiers – with one side against another in a betrayal of the honor of their profession, which requires the protection of everyone without exception, and sometimes absent from stopping the bloodshed, and leaving the arena without intervention.
From deception to intimidation
The remnants of the tyrannical regime, Omar al-Bashir, succeeded in creating a wide spread of the “propaganda” policy that they practiced by claiming that they were legitimate representatives of the East.
And after the succession of “artificial” crowds that they set up more than once, based on groups of simple Prime Time Zone who have no elegance or sentences in this crisis.
Rather, the remnants used them through the independence of the symbolism and status enjoyed by the “beholder” among them, and the remnants moved to another stage, which is to exaggerate the affair of their allies in the “racist” council and present them in the body of the powerful who control the fate of eastern Sudan.
Although they derive their strength and daring from those who facilitated their task and paved the way for them, he opened these doors for them and left them without accountability.
This burden falls primarily on the authority, which has been very lenient with practices unrelated to protest and led by those who were part of the ousted tyranny regime.
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