“Our Prime Time Zone want you to help.” The New York Times talks about the financial temptations offered by Saudi Arabia and the UAE to Trump | A homeland tweeting outside the flock


The American newspaper “New York Times” published a report in which it talked about the arrest of Thomas Barrack, the head of the inauguration committee of former President Donald Trump, after revealing that he violated the rules of transparency in dealing with foreign entities, specifically with the UAE.

The writer, Michelle Goldberg, said that the shocking news reminds us of many of Trump’s comrades, who were pardoned after accusing them of flagrant violations in the world of American politics.

According to the writer, Barack has always been described as one of Trump’s best friends, and what increases the importance of his arrest is that the former president’s dealings with the UAE and Saudi Arabia deserves an extensive investigation, such as his administration’s relationship with Russia.

She added, “This has not happened yet. When Special Counsel Robert Mueller testified before Congress, Adam Schiff, Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, told him: We did not bother asking whether financial inducements from the Gulf affect US policy; Because it’s outside the four corners of your report, but we have to know this, but we don’t know yet.”

According to the writer, it is not likely in the case of Barak’s trial, if you go too far, to answer the important questions about Gulf money and its impact on Trump’s policy, but it may answer some questions.

Russian intervention

And we should know that Russia is not the only country that sent envoys to Trump Tower during the presidential campaign and offered to help, according to Goldberg; In its report on Russian interference in the presidential elections, the bipartisan committee specialized in intelligence in the Senate found details of a meeting in August 2016 at Trump Tower, in which Donald Trump Jr. (Jr.) and George Nader, adviser to the Crown Prince in Abu Dhabi, Sheikh Mohammed, were present. Bin Zayed, and Joel Zamel, who is the owner of the private Israeli company, “Bessi Group”.

According to the Senate committee report: “Zamil asked Trump, Jr., if a social media campaign led by PC Group and funded by Nader would conflict with the Trump campaign?”

Read also: US judge sets bail of a quarter of a billion dollars to release UAE agent Tom Barrack

According to Zamel, Trump Jr. has indicated that it does not represent a conflict with his father’s campaign.

Zamel told the Senate committee that his company had never done this work. However, as described below, Zamel did work on behalf of Nader, who paid $1 million.

Zamel claimed that the payment was to analyze social media platforms in the post-election phase.

The writer said; If all the accusations against Barak are true, it means that when he was working as an advisor to the UAE and advising the Trump campaign, it could be said that an agent of the UAE was forming Trump’s foreign policy.

In the early months of the Trump administration, prosecutors say; Another Emirati, Sultan Rashid al-Malik al-Shehhi, among those indicted on Tuesday, texted Barak, saying: “Our group wants you to help, and they hope you will officially run the agenda.”

The Emirates and the blockade of Qatar

At that time, several countries, including the UAE, were imposing the blockade on Qatar, and despite the impartiality of both the Ministry of Defense and the Foreign Ministry, Trump published tweets that seemed supportive of the blockade and even attributed them to himself, according to the writer.

Throughout his presidency, Trump was a convenient ally of the UAE and Saudi Arabia, whose crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, was; A student of Mohammed bin Zayed, according to the writer’s words.

However, if it turns out that a member of Trump’s closed circle was serving the interests of the UAE, that’s a big deal. Everyone remembers that we don’t know what happened to the foreign policy of the most corrupt government in American history.

In June 2018, the New York Times reported that Barrack’s company had “raised $7 billion since Trump secured his nomination,” and a quarter of the money came from the United Arab Emirates or Saudi Arabia.

Barrack stepped down as CEO of the company in March, but last week told Bloomberg TV that Emiratis were among the investors in “mega-resorts” and “the wellness-related hospitality industry.”

Americans have a right to know if Barak sold off the influence of investors at the expense of US foreign policy.

Trump’s market for scandal may have been saturated, but when it comes to the role of foreign money in the administration, there are plenty of mysteries.

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